Is Milo Yiannopoulos a sociopath

Well-known methods of provocation in the right guise

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Some old leftists see with horror their own, well-known methods of provocation in the right guise. The Identitarian Movement blew up podium discussions, carried out a sit-down in front of the CDU federal headquarters and was currently trying to hinder the work of non-governmental organizations with a ship off Libya - an upside-down Greenpeace campaign. With the anarcho-right, gay Trump admirer Milo Yiannopoulos, the American alt-right movement at times also had a fun guerrilla at its side, who with his uninhibited and liberated speech counteracted the semantic hypersensitivity of left academics, as if it was all about again to drive out the gowns.

Most of the New Right has learned from the old Left

With the biography of Henning Eichberg, Thomas Wagner shows how young, right-wing circles emerged in Berlin, Hamburg and Bochum at the time of the student revolt, who distinguished themselves from the old National Socialists and their crimes, in order to once again both on a somewhat disarmed and refreshed theoretical basis to attack the bourgeoisie as well as the Marxist left. The forms of action of the well-organized student movement and their rebellious spirit became the envied role model, also because the young fascists were initially not very practical.

They shared anti-bourgeoisie with the sixty-eighties, including pop-cultural preferences, partly socialist, and later also ecological goals - not, however, to propagate international solidarity, but an ethnically homogeneous Europe. The concept of "ethnopluralism" took the place of the racial struggle. In turning away from a blood-and-soil ideology, the cultural identity of individual peoples should be brought into focus, who should not mix too much in order to prevent the equalization of global capitalism.

They read the French Pierre Drieu la Rochelle and Alain de Benoist, met in living rooms, founded magazines that, however, hardly found readers outside of their own milieu. The feeling prevailed to a large extent that the reading-loving sixty-eighters were rather inferior, which is why one tried to upgrade theoretically. In any case, through the work of de Benoist, leftist ideas seeped into the scene - Lenin's writing What to do?, Above all, however, Gramsci's considerations on cultural hegemony, which one must fight for as a movement. Today the right-wing scene makes direct reference to the sixty-eighties and their forms of action, namely to Dieter Kunzelmann's "Subversive Action".

The 73-year-old Alain de Benoist, who is probably still the most important intellectual of the New Right, tells Wagner that he has never been an enemy of the sixty-eight: "My main opponent has always been capitalism in economic terms, liberalism in philosophical terms and the bourgeoisie in sociological terms. " It is easy to understand why a determined leftist like Wagner shows little fear of contact with such a reformed right. With verve, he is outraged in the book not about his interlocutors, but about the (all in all measured) Hartz IV reforms with which the SPD sold its soul, and fundamentally about liberalism, which is responsible for taming the social The weak are always so terribly vulnerable. According to this reading, the neoliberalism of the reform left has left the field of criticism of capitalism to the new right.

In Wagner's view, however, the failure of the left is actually worse. He believes that it is no coincidence that the fight against economic exploitation has been replaced by the fight against cultural discrimination. The euphoria of diversity is no longer far removed from the New Right: "One thing connects the right-wing advocates of ethnopluralism with the left-wing supporters of multicultural society. Both groups are not concerned with what is culturally common, but rather with emphasizing the specific, the other . " An inevitable ethnic identity is ascribed to the lifestyle of the others, minorities should be protected from the normalized, white, heterosexual man and his cultural appropriation.

In contrast to his criticism of the Hartz IV reforms, Wagner is of course absolutely right: The identity politics of many leftists, which is currently being vehemently pursued, is moving away from the universalism of the Enlightenment to the same extent as the New Right. Why, one might ask heretically, shouldn't one favor the original of the right instead of the screwed-up, identity-political aberration of the left? After all, both operate with a victim narrative - curiously enough, the New Left often derives it ethnically ("white supremacy", "cultural appropriation"), a number of new rights such as the political scientist Benedikt Kaiser, curiously enough, economically.

Many right-wingers see a generous migration policy as a project by wealthy hyper-moralists, while the social costs are passed down to the precarious neighborhoods of cities. Mass immigration is a "pillar of global inequality", and one can only hope that the "left behind, vegetating, lured here with false promises, who are not needed and wanted as wage depressors, can become a force that brings about change in their homeland causes ", explains the pop-right Identitarian Martin Sellner. Thomas Wagner finds a large number of voices among the New Right who sing the old song of criticism of capitalism and anti-imperialism, which is attractive for the author, while the post-materialist left deals with ultimately irrelevant issues of well-being such as gender mainstreaming.

One learns in this thoroughly stimulating book: It is not the left that is the main opponent of the new right, but the liberal bourgeoisie. The main opponent of the orthodox left is not the right, but the liberal bourgeoisie. After reading numerous cross-front ideas in which national socialism and social nationalism threaten to collapse into one, the cosmopolitan, capitalism-friendly, liberal, bourgeois, somewhat old-fashioned attitude of the center appears more sustainable and integrative than ever.

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