What is the platform of the Socialist Party

S O Z I A L I S T I S C H E

ANNOUNCEMENTS

the London Representation of the SPD


No. 103
1947

Issued by the London Representative of the German Social Democratic Party,
33, Fernside Avenue, London, NW 7 - Telephone: MIL1 Hill 3915

September
1947


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SPD and Eastern Zone

The Soviet Military Administration (SMA) gives a statement about its attitude towards the SPD in the Eastern Zone. In it it says:

"As reported in the press, the recent meeting of the Social Democratic Party of the Western Zones, at the suggestion of Schumacher and his group, adopted a resolution calling for the creation of the Social Democratic Party in the Soviet Zone, which was supposedly banned by someone The SMA information center in Germany is authorized to report the following on this occasion:

As early as June 1945, the Soviet military administration permitted German democratic parties and social organizations to operate on the entire territory of the Soviet zone. At the same time, the SMA has registered the Communist, Social Democratic and Liberal Democratic Party and the Christian Democratic Union, as well as the German free trade unions and various democratic organizations of youth, women, the intelligentsia, craftsmen, farmers and others. These democratic organizations currently unite over 7 million people in their ranks in the Soviet zone. In April 1946, the Communist and Social Democratic Parties in the Soviet Zone decided to unite to form a workers' party under the name of the 'Socialist Unity Party of Germany' after they had adopted its platform and statutes. After this unification, the organs of the SMA did not receive a single application for registration and approval of the activity of any new social-democratic organization in the territory of the Soviet zone or in any single district.

As a result, all discussions that the existence of the SPD was supposedly forbidden in the Soviet zone had and still have no real basis, because the activity of a party can neither be prohibited nor permitted if the question of its establishment was not questioned by anyone at all. For this reason the resolution of the Social Democrats is irrelevant. It tries to mislead public opinion and is obviously pursuing provocative anti-Soviet goals. "

The answer of the 1st chairman of the SPD, Dr. Kurt Schumacher,

was given on August 14, 1947 in a speech that was given at a mass rally of the SPD Berlin. (Assembly posters for this assembly were not allowed in the Russian sector of Berlin!) We bring the following excerpt from this speech:

"The admission of the Social Democratic Party in the Soviet zone of occupation has been demanded again and again by the Social Democrats at every political opportunity since the days of the forced merger in April 1946. Until recently this demand was ignored Nominal chairmen of the communist SEP have rejected the idea of ​​re-admitting the Social Democratic Party in the Eastern Zone, as this would, in their opinion, give up the progress that has been made.

Gradually, however, the tactics on the other side are changing. The communists are beginning to wonder why social democrats have not applied Admission of the SPD in the Soviet zone of occupation. Recently, the SMA has also announced its interest in this question for the SPD in a rather late announcement at the Nuremberg party congress.

We cannot accept the portrayal of the communists and the SMA without being contradicted. The SPD was approved by the SMA together with the three other parties in June 1945. This approval has not yet been revoked by the SMA. The SPD has neither been proven nor tried to prove that it is an obstacle to political life in this zone of occupation. A voluntary union between Social Democrats and Communists did not take place in April 1946. The communists carried out the act they call unification with terror and coercion and taking advantage of their position in the occupying power.

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This process was illegal and immoral and could not establish a new right. [The] SMA as well as the communists know that the great majority of the Social Democrats were against this forced merger even then and are against it now more than ever.

It was spread across the Soviet occupation zone no ballot of the social democratic memberships took place neither on a district nor on a local basis. Only so-called 'party conferences' have been staged. The attitude of the delegates was determined undemocratically from the outset by completely one-sided propaganda and the special power-political methods of their selection. These 'party conferences' lacked any democratic legitimation.

In practice, the SPD is banned, and those who hold its views are persecuted. Legally, the SPD exists. What is necessary is that State of actual disability and persecution to cancel. The SPD cannot do that with motions, only the SMA with a political stance that finally creates democratic conditions in the Soviet zone.

The SPD is not ready to call tens of thousands of its functionaries to political work, who are then successfully denounced by the communists to the SMA as the number one main enemy. The SPD functionaries must not only have the actual civic equality, but also the Guarantee of your personal safety to have. A democracy can only exist if its bearers are free from fear, a state from which the democrats of the Soviet occupation zone are as far removed as they were under the Third Reich.

That is why there is no so-called bloc politics possible with the SPD. The goal of the Block politics is the alignment to the unit list. The Communist Party would collapse today in a clash with a Social Democratic Party. The promotion of bloc politics shows that in communist circles it is clear that one cannot even stand competition with the liberal democrats and the CDU. The masses of the population are not supporters of these two bourgeois parties, but they are so averse to the communist SEP that they would declare against them at any election.

There is no isolated question of admitting the SPD. There is only the question of the establishment of democracy, i.e. of political freedom in the Soviet occupation zone. But freedom does not arise through submission and dishonest harmony. Freedom is the result of struggle and internal and external differences between independent parties and independent parties. We are not prepared to have the approval of the communist SEP coupled in the west with the free activity of the SPD in the east. The KP is approved in the West. Inevitably it follows that the SPD will be allowed in the East. We can and want to no offsetting transactions on the black market of politics do.

Anyone who tries to negotiate the admission of the SEP in the west against the formal admission of the SPD in the east is trying to deceive. Communist freedom of movement is given; we want social democratic freedom of action in the east. Once it is established, we do not care under which company the bankrupt communist policy is to be sold again.

If we as Social Democrats were to stand up for the admission of the SEP in the West today, then we would be complicit in the act of violence, fraud and betrayal that took place in April 1946. We would sanction something that cannot be justified. Give the SPD freedom in the Eastern Zone and you have the national unity of the Germans. Today it is the bait of dishonest communist politics that dares not say what its real intentions are. The freedom of the SPD in the Soviet zone of occupation makes national unity a great democratic fact.

Comrades in the Eastern Zone! You have endured twelve difficult years and difficult times lie ahead. You will perhaps have the feeling of being abandoned by everyone when you have to experience that economic life in the western zones takes a different course than you have to hike it with pain. The SPD also declares that it is not a zone party. If we German Social Democrats think of one zone in particular, then it is the Eastern Zone with the unmistakable army of our good and loyal comrades in this area. Remember that you are not alone. - Exercise your offices and functions as loyal citizens. But be united in your attitude and your attitude. Remain what you are: German social democrats and international socialists. "

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Disappointments for the socialists in the eastern zone of Germany

More than a year ago the SPD and KPD united to form the "Socialist Unity Party". A significant step on the way to the political development and shaping of a new democratic Germany should be initiated. The merger of both parties promised to get over all difficulties and at the same time to give the impetus to a good and understanding cooperation with the occupying forces.

There were and are no logical and serious political objections to the idea of ​​a united socialist workers' party. However, the prerequisite is that the great idea of ​​the unity of the labor movement honest and without reservation is borne by the partners. Also have to Voluntariness of the decision of the members and those taken for granted in the socialist labor movement Principles of democracy upheld be. External influences, which political parties seek to submit for their own purposes, are to be eliminated in any case. Only in this way can the unity of the labor movement acquire meaning and shape.

In 1946, too, in the eastern zone, there was great trust among the population, among workers, employees, middle class and intellectuals in the SPD, and this was expressed in an uninterrupted influx of new supporters. Open-minded and willing people from all walks of life came to the SPD without any propaganda or special advertising campaigns. The party and subdistrict conferences at which in open and frank discussion a position taken on the worries and troubles of the time showed inner unity and strength. The organizational structure was simple and adapted to the circumstances of need. The voluntary element predominated among the officials. No "apparatus" that had become an end in itself, with its dangerous intentions to rule and power, paralyzed party life. The finances of the SPD were in order in terms of origin and use.

Perfectly The situation in 1946 was different with the KPD. After a few months of political activity since the collapse in 1945, the trust in this party had been severely shaken in the masses. The KPD had taken over in every respect. Large party buildings and offices in small towns and districts involuntarily remind of the party of the cursed times of 1933-1945. The KPD press was big thanks to the preference in the paper allocation, which far exceeded that of all other newspapers. The number of readers was much greater than the sympathy among the population.

The attempt of the KPD to dominate the population in a totalitarian and dictatorial way met with resistance and rejection after the experiences of the Hitler era. For the rule of unrestrained and brutal elements in town and country, whose origins and past were more than dark and opaque and z. In some cases, only a few people were able to get excited. With the good name of the socialist labor movement, people whose criminal records contained not so much political but more criminal records have been messed around with.

The first opportunity one public and free decision an election would have a damning verdict the Methods that had previously proven unsuitable emerge. Methods, views and people as carriers would have been judged negatively. The leading men of the KPD, as well as the political heads of the occupying power, soon became fully aware of this. In addition, despite the small organizational apparatus [and] without a huge circulation of the press, the SPD had long surpassed the KPD in terms of membership.

The contradiction between the weakness of the KPD and the important positions in community and state administration occupied by its party members was evident everywhere. All talk of democracy and recognition of the will of the people were platonic declarations of no value whatsoever. The behavior of the KPD officials stood in direct contrast to their press statements. Never has so much been spoken and written about democracy [as] at that time. - In order to prevent the inevitable defeat, which at the same time would have severely affected the occupying power in terms of foreign policy, the idea of ​​the unification of the two workers 'parties in Saxony, which was once the cradle of the socialist workers' movement, was promoted with all possible means of public influence. The very own right of membership of the SPD,

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deciding on the unification question by ballot could not be applied. The decisions made democratically, i.e. with a majority, at conferences and in functionaries were not allowed to be carried out. Confiscation of the newspaper - in Dresden the whole edition of a number was crushed and a new number was published without informing the members - direct or indirect pressure on the responsible functionaries of the SPD were some means of bringing about the merger from "above" dictatorial, to achieve. The situation for the SPD was far more unfavorable in Saxony than in Berlin, where political development was less restricted as a result of the four sectors and a free press.

It is not an exaggeration when it is stated that on the part of the KPD never the serious and honest will to education a real new, German and socialist workers' movement has existed. For the For the KPD it was important to avoid certain defeat. With old, long outdated tactical methods, the leading and minor functionaries of the KPD believed that they could "run over" the SPD. The public statements and advertisements given with a wink were contrasted with the instructions and organizational preparations in small conventicles.

In the KPD, in which its structure corresponds to the Command and the respective "line" of the Central Committee more than the opinion and judgment of the membership, it was clear that the filing of the name should not change the character of the party. The SED is like that from the start only intended as the continuation of the KPD.

The amalgamation of the two party apparatuses showed only too clearly that in reality the organizational structure of the KPD remained or was even more pronounced. Employees of the former KPD still felt bound to the orders of the no longer existing Central Committee of the KPD. The choice of responsible officials, which is customary in the socialist (and union and cooperative) labor movement, is almost unknown. District chairmen and secretaries are postponed on "higher orders", and very often in such a way that even the secretaries working at the top of the state executive can only note the fact that has been completed. Such changes are the most touted in a number of districts and cities Parity in the occupation of the functions has long been abolished. Of the old Social Democrats, only a few of the original officials are still active. There are districts and cities in which the former KPD members are alone again or will have reached such a state in the near future. Today the selection is based on "fitness and ability". The so-called "Party devotion, loyalty to the line and former membership of the KPD" taken.

The speakersThose who are unleashed on membership today are mostly students of the "education factories" or party schools. Own mental work is very annoying and probably also obsolete. That is why the "Sozialistische Bildungshefte" are usually used straight away as a manuscript or by the speaker read out.

The general meetings have lost a lot in level compared to the events of the former SPD. The number of visits to the party's meetings has decreased significantly. The members think the time is wasted. Any approach to mental activity is called a burden on the party. The members do not dare or rarely venture out with their opinion, in order not to offend or to be taken into the "scissors" in any other form. As a result, the party has lost its vitality and threatens to break due to internal untruthfulness. Belief in dogmas and quotations has taken the place of one's own thinking.

All meetings and debates are reported in detail to special party offices, which mostly work anonymously or under cover names. This report serves less to clarify the matter than to provide Spy on members and residents. The truth is not taken so seriously. Expressions are taken out of context and turned into the opposite. that organs of the criminal police are used for party purposes should be noted in the margin. The ID of the Kripo opens the doors for the SEP, which otherwise remained closed. The party controls the bank accounts of the parties, politicians and corporations.

For some time the SEP has been setting up a "news apparatus" with the involvement of house officers, who are supposed to observe and supervise the officials and residents. Above all, existing

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Connections to the west are determined. The personal freedoms solemnly resolved in the constitution thus become a farce.

Even the secretaries, insofar as they belong to the former SPD, are carefully monitored with regard to the visit and the incoming and outgoing correspondence. The members of the SEP, whether in a responsible position or not, have become prisoners of anonymous forces in their own party. Every employee, insofar as he was a former SPD man, has his "material collection". The former membership of the SPD alone is often referred to as a "suspicious factor". This material is often channeled into channels that should not have anything to do with the party. Some of the members of the party are very frightened. The expression of an opinion deviating from the respective "line" involves the danger of being called a reactionary or a fascist. Former members of the KPD do not shy away from threatening arrest and surrender to the occupying power.

The elected organs of the SED, such as district boards and state boards, are nothing more than platforms for the policy that has long been defined in the secretariat. The direction has taken the place of the free formation of opinions and judgments. When it is deemed necessary, the debate itself is "organized". The director completely escapes how he lies to himself.

The expectations that the party leadership had linked to the unification of the two workers' parties were not fulfilled either in the municipal or state elections in 1946. Despite various tactical moves and the more or less open support from the commandant offices of the occupying power, the elections for the SED did not result in convincing majorities. The balance of power is almost everywhere balanced or has resulted in simple majorities of the two bourgeois parties. It was not possible to penetrate the strata of the proletarian bourgeoisie on a large scale.

The past winter showed with terrifying clarity - and the winter ahead will also reveal it - the sound footholds on which our economy and supply stand despite the planning. The printer's ink wasted on innumerable articles has not been able to convince the people of the functioning of the domestic fire supply or of the industrial upward development. The increasing deaths of infants, children and adults as a result of the troubles of the past winter and the inadequate nutrition cannot be eradicated despite the ban on publishing official figures.

Up to now it has not been possible in any way to raise the standard of living for the broad masses. The reference of the East Zone press to difficulties in the West Zones is merely a diversionary maneuver. The consumption of the substance is evident in all areas of daily need for those who want to see.

Despite land reform, which politically initiated the elimination of large estates, is no increase in agricultural production he follows. However, this is crucial in this terrible situation. Given the current narrowing of all the foundations of life, all experiments in the area of ​​nutrition must result in catastrophic results. The fulfillment of certain program points of the KPD leads to that effect: "Operation succeeded, patient dead". Under the effects of the hardship, which has not yet reached its lowest point in the Eastern Zone, the working masses are increasingly turning against the entire "Socialist Unity Party".

Facts have their weight. They cannot be eliminated through organization, speech or direction. The contradiction between the reality and the wishes or misrepresentations is becoming more and more obvious due to the extremely unpleasant situation in all areas of daily life in the Soviet zone. Due to a completely one-sided and dogmatic treatment of the German, European conditions, there is a great danger that the people in the eastern zone will again find themselves in a spiritual quarantine like after 1933.

The confidence of the masses in town and country in the socialist movement has been severely disappointed by the struggle and the methods of the "Socialist Unity Party". It is high time that the socialist movement was protected from the intentions of a power-hungry party apparatus and unscrupulous functionaries.

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German politicians in England

At the invitation of the Hansard Society[1] and a group of parliamentarians, a group of eleven German politicians from the British occupation zone stayed in London from August 4th to 9th. The group consisted of four representatives from the SPD, three from the CDU and one each from the center, the KPD, the LDP and the NLP. The social democratic representatives were the party's deputy chairman, Erich Ollenhauer, the mayor of Hamburg, Max brewer, the Minister for Economic Affairs of North Rhine-Westphalia, Dr. Eric Noelting, and the Lord Mayor of Berlin, Ernst Reuter.

The purpose of the trip was to introduce the participants to the main institutions of English parliamentary life, local government in London and rural districts and other important public institutions. The group was warmly welcomed on all occasions and received all information willingly. The purpose of the trip was fully achieved, thanks largely to the self-sacrificing and tireless work of the Hansard Society Chairman, Commander Stephen King-Hall M.P .. The trip ended with a lunch given by Lord Pakenham was given at Lancaster House.

After completion of this official part of the trip, the social democratic participants of the study group met on August 10th in a closed event of the members and friends of the "Association of German Social Democrats in Great Britain", chaired by W. Sander warmly welcomed and spoke to their German friends living in London.

Ollenhauer pointed out the importance of the Nuremberg party congress of the SPD. He described the international rally, which took place as part of the party congress, as a manifestation that no other German party could offer, and as a clear sign that the vote at the Zurich international conference of socialists did not have the necessary two-thirds majority for admission brought German social democracy into the International, did not block the SPD's path to the International. Ollenhauer emphasized the image of unity that the party congress showed; the claim spread abroad by opponents of the SPD that Dr. Schumacher was dictatorial, he declared for humbug; the course of the party congress had clearly shown the baselessness of such claims. The lecture on constitutional questions and the subsequent debate revealed the unity and unanimity of the party on this issue, for which the program consultations of the "Union of German Socialist Organizations" in British emigration had done valuable preparatory work. Party work in factories is a serious problem for the SPD. A communist intrusion into the factories of the western industrial area is unmistakable; The "neutral" stance of some social democratic trade unionists was to blame for this, and it was agreed that increased party work in the factories was necessary.

After a few remarks about the political situation in Germany, which dealt with the increasingly obvious conflict in the CDU and the possibility of the SPD leaving the Bavarian government, Ollenhauer turned to the food and economic situation. He recalled the hardships of the previous winter and the following months, but reported a slight improvement in the nutritional situation recently. He then described the emergence and structure of the bizonal economic council and the political power struggles within this organization, which have led to all bizonal economic offices being headed by representatives of the CDU, which, however, will hardly be of any political advantage to the CDU, as important circles in it wish to work with the SPD.

Finally, Ollenhauer pointed out the steady growth in the number of members of the SPD, which had risen continuously even during the most difficult time of need in the first half of this year and had already exceeded 800,000.

comrade brewer spoke of the impressions he had received in Germany after his return from the American emigration: of the strength of the Social Democratic Party, which fools in the emigration had so often declared to be done, and of the German people's will to live, who in spite of everything Express difficulties, especially in the cultural field. The destruction of the war was difficult, especially in Hamburg, but whoever, like him, has the future structure in mind, will no longer see the ruins, but the buildings of the future. Brauer said that he had not regretted his decision to give up American citizenship and return to the head of the Hamburg administration for a minute.[2] If one is impatient in Germany about the slow course of things, then he reminds people of how long it took after 1918 until positive work became possible again. He was one of the few who felt the end of the Moscow conference with relief, because it was the first sign that the Western powers were with the policy of one-sided fulfillment

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to put an end to the Potsdam Agreement. He hoped that the London conference in the autumn would bring the final farewell to this policy. In their own well-understood interests, the Western powers would help rebuild German industry and economy. To speak of a German war potential in the face of the atomic bomb is ridiculous. The German social democracy cannot and does not want to give up its claim to the German East, but one must be positive about the practical proposals for the organization of the western zones. The hysteria he had experienced in America at the end of the war had increasingly given way to calm reason, even in circles that were supporters of Morgenthau politics. It was seen that the Germans cannot live as small gardeners. One can also see that the question of whether one can assert oneself against the East is decided in Germany. The western zones could, as Dr. Schumacher called it to act as a "magnet" when living conditions improve in them. Brauer spoke of an alleviation of the food situation and expressed the hope that the coming winter will be less harsh than the latter. As desirable as it is in the interests of the Germans that the occupation troops remain, it is just as necessary to place political affairs - including economic and political issues - entirely in German hands.

In the end, Brauer explained that a lot in Germany reminded us of the situation after 1918. Some things are more difficult than then, but some are also easier: the destruction created a clear path for a future development, this time the bourgeoisie was not only stunned, but really felt that it has finally played out its political role, and that the tradition of the "front fighters" is not as it was then. Brauer recalled that he had suggested inviting the emigrants to return at the Prime Minister's Conference in Munich. He said "One thing is not suitable for all", but if politics is the meaning of his life, his place is in Germany today.

The questions posed by the audience following the two reports gave Comrade Ollenhauer the opportunity to point out that the question of the implementation of the "Cologne Decisions"[3] remained undiscussed at the Nuremberg party congress because Schumacher's remark that such a step was not appropriate in view of the Marshall Plan was generally accepted. On the question of youth participation in the party, Ollenhauer pointed out the fact that the vast majority of party congress delegates were less than 45 years old. In answering inquiries, Comrade Brauer opposed the opinion that American economic aid for Germany would prevent socialization and strengthen the CDU; it is the desire of the Americans to leave the regulation of their political affairs to the Germans, and their hope of preventing the spread of communism in Germany is stronger than their preference for private capitalist methods.


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Fifteen comrades from Germany, who had come to Wilton Park for a course, accepted an invitation from the "Association of German Social Democrats in Great Britain" to a convivial evening in the "Vega" in London on July 15th. For the first time there were women among the guests from Germany. The Schleswig-Holstein member of the state parliament Frieda Chub[4] gave a report on the situation in the "Nordmark", in which she particularly addressed the importance of the state elections in Schleswig-Holstein, which were victorious for the SPD, and the refugee problem. The mayor of Berlin, Dr. lock[5] reported on the situation in Berlin, especially on the background to the choice of comrade Dr. Reuter as Lord Mayor of Berlin and the Russian veto against his installation; he drew attention to the difficulties and necessities of political work in Berlin caused by the four-power administration of Berlin. The officials, invited members and friends of the London "Vereinigung" made good use of the opportunity to talk to the comrades from Germany, first in the form of a discussion and then in casual conversation.


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For the reconstruction of the Karl Marx House in Trier

On the occasion of the inauguration of the Karl Marx House on May 5, 1947, building blocks, commemorative cards and a postage stamp of the state of Rhineland-Palatinate with the image of Karl Marx were issued. If you send in at least sh 2 / -, we will provide the sender with a module and a commemorative card with the (stamped) postage stamp. If a higher amount is sent in, more cards will be sent accordingly. Send money to: W. Sander, 33 Fernside Ave., London, N.W. 7.

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Results of a German visit to London

Under this title, the London correspondent of the "Neue Zuercher Zeitung" has published a longer article, from which we can only extract an excerpt due to the lack of space.

"Casual conversations and getting to know each other - that is the result of the trip of eleven German parliamentarians from the British occupation zone to London. The invitation came from the Hansard Society, whose chairman, Commander Stephen King-Hall, tirelessly looks after his Germans personally This visit was not a political demonstration. The British government was reluctant and avoided provoking a controversy with its French neighbors through excessive friendliness towards the Germans the British Zone minister in charge of the German visitors and on whom the Undersecretary of State in the Foreign Office, Mayhew[6], as well as Food Secretary John Strachey[7] participated. The German delegation was also a guest of the House of Commons and the House of Lords in Westminster, the London County Council and other local authorities. King Hall gave an in-house reception where a number of English MPs and Foreign Office officials met with the German MPs.

So much for the outer frame. At the end of the visit, King-Hall, as the host, frankly admitted that the stay was too burdened with sightseeing and official events and that the German visitors did not have enough opportunity for political talks. It remains to be seen whether this was intended. But there is no doubt that the conversation got going beyond the narrow party framework and that 'good will' in the sense of the 'good will mission' was created.


What was initially noticeable was the lack of a uniform foreign policy statement by the German parties. On the British side, they were hardly given an opportunity to do so - perhaps only because the individual party is reluctant to speak openly as long as the other is listening. In any case, Lord Pakenham has asked the representatives of each of the two large parties and then the representatives of the smaller groups individually to speak to them individually about the pending questions. However, the parties did not suggest that they should negotiate with the representative of the occupying power. It's hardly just a coincidence. In part, the distrust of the other party was evident in the forehead of these German parliamentarians. The answer to the question of the foreign policy principles and leitmotifs, on which everyone could agree, they failed to provide.

As far as can be ascertained, however, there is a deep doubt on both the British and German sides as to whether the conference of foreign ministers in November will lead to an unification of powers and thus to a unification of Germany. It is generally assumed that the Soviet Union will continue to control not only the economy, but also, with the help of the secret police, the politics of its zone, whatever the central corporations. Most of them conclude from this, however, that the three western zones would have to find their own way. "We cannot also let the 42 million people west of the Elbe go to ruin," is the verdict from which everything else follows.If these 42 million are to live and work, then a uniform economic policy, a political leadership and thus parliamentary control are required.

On the other hand, the most experienced of the German parliamentarians, men like Economics Minister Noelting of North Rhine-Westphalia, have made no secret of their misgivings about being pushed away from the all-German line. In their opinion this would grant the Moscow-directed SED a political monopoly of the imperial idea. London undoubtedly does not see this danger as sufficient. He underestimates the political importance of the imperial idea and seems to be convinced from the start of the impotence of ideology and the political attraction that exists east of the Elbe today or at least can be created. In the discussions with relevant British authorities it became quite clear in connection with the German visit that the silence of the Western powers about political unity and the unconditional preponderance of the economic - "no political unity without economic unity" - is not a coincidence, but rather politics ... "


* . * . *

[Publication notice]


BEYOND CAPITALISM - This title has just been published by Nest-Verlag[8] as a contribution to the socialist reorientation a book by Gen. Paul Sering published. We accept orders for this book (275 pages, price sh 7 / -).






Editorial notes


1 - Parliamentary Society. Named after T. C. Hansard (1776-1833) who first printed parliamentary debates in England for the public. "Hansard" is also the name for the official parliamentary reports of the British lower and upper houses. The Hansard Society was founded in 1944 by Stephen King-Hall (s. D.); she should especially cultivate the parliamentary idea.

2 - Max Brauer had been declared forfeited of German citizenship in November 1934 because - according to the official justification - "he did not obey the request to return from April 12, 1934 [...]". [!]

3 - On the "Cologne resolutions" of the Social Democratic party executive and committee of September 1946 see SM 91, Oct. 1946, p. 1f.
The far-reaching demands, the fulfillment of which the SPD made its political cooperation dependent on, are only partially reproduced there. Kurt Schumacher at the Nuremberg SPD party congress in 1947: "This Cologne resolution is not a short-term formula for action, is not a dogma, not a catechism, and above all not an ultimatum to the occupying powers. without which the aid of democratic socialism in an attempt to democratize Germany would be pointless. " After careful examination, the final conclusions were not drawn from the Cologne resolutions (which would have consisted of the withdrawal of all social democratic ministers from the state governments) in order to "keep all possibilities of democratic participation alive", thus also in the bizonal Economic Council who is now the German leader "for economic necessities in relation to Europe and the great American action". "If we in Germany had become abstinent in matters of democracy, then there would probably have been a race between the parties in matters of nationalism and then democracy in Germany would probably be dead."

4 - "Doebel": Frieda Döbel, later F. Hackhe-Döbel (1911-1977), housemaid, then worked in a children's recreation home, active in the SAJ, after 1933 studies, employed as a vocational school teacher during the Nazi era after 1945). 1946-1950 SPD-MdL Schleswig-Holstein, 1947-1949 parliamentary representative of the minister of education.

5 - Fritz Schloss (1895-1954), Dr. rer. pol., Social Democrat, dismissed as a magistrate of the city of Berlin in 1933 and arrested for a short time. From January 1946 district mayor of Berlin-Tiergarten, resigned in 1953 due to serious illness.

6 - Christopher Payet Mayhew (born 1915), wartime officer (including Special Forces), 1945-1966 Labor M.P., 1946-1950 Undersecretary of State in the State Department, 1964-1966 Secretary of the Navy. Later liberal.

7 - John Strachey (1901-1963), Labor politician and author, 1929-1931 and 1945-1963 M.P., Under-Secretary of State in the Department of Aviation 1945-1946, Minister of Food 1946-1950, Secretary of Defense 1950-1951.

8 - run near Nuremberg in 1947.




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